29. The Surrender
General Waechter came to see me on May 8, in the afternoon, and announced that Grand-Admiral Doenitz who, after Hitler's suicide took over as German Chancellor, accepted the Allies' terms of surrender, and a cease-fire would take effect on all fronts at 0:01 A. M. on May 9. General Waechter said: "Now, General, you are the central figure in the action of saving the Division, and possibly of all of us who are with you." He also said that the British had entered the city of Spittal and were moving toward Klagenfurt. I called for Dr. Makarushka and requested him, as a person with political experience and well acquainted with the history and battle engagements of the Division, to assume the difficult task of going forward and meeting the British and informing them about the UNC, UNA and the Division, and to try and get written orders moving the Division and Army to the rear of the British troops. Dr. Arlt was to accompany him as interpreter, being fluent in the English language.
Several days earlier I delegated Colonel (now General) K. Smowsky with a brief letter to the Polish commander, General Wladyslaw Anders, informing him of the situation and requesting intercession with the British military authorities in the matter of moving the Division to the rear of the British. Col. Smowsky had been a contract officer in the Polish Army before the war and hence it would be easier for him to talk to Gen. Anders. I asked him to deliver my letter to General Anders in person, or, in case of difficulties, through Polish liaison officers attached to the British command.
I had to go to the Division immediately. I ordered General Krat to head the Staff group, and after receiving news from Dr. Makarushka, to go and meet the British with his reserve regiment. At 8:00 P.M. in company with General Waechter and my aide Lieutenant Tsiolko, I was with the Division. There was some difficulty in crossing the river Drava with Tito's troops holding the roads, but we managed. General Waechter went to Graz to find out about Soviet movements. Gen. Freytag informed me that he did not have any orders to withdraw the Division from the front. In the presence of Chaplain M. Levenets I issued an ultimatum order to General Freytag to carry out withdrawal of the Division by 3:00 A. M., May 9. This was in accord with my calculations that the Division would manage to cross the river Mur (50 kilometers away) that same day. This was a major obstacle because the Soviet air force had destroyed the bridges over this river. I also ordered General Freytag to dispatch anti-aircraft defenses to guard the bridge at Leoben, where the Division was to cross. I warned Gen. Freytag that if my orders were not carried out, or carried out late, he would be put under arrest, and I would personally take over command. Chaplain Levenets watched that my order was being carried out, and informed me at 12 o'clock that units of the Division were getting ready to march. Gen Freytag asked me a peculiar question during our talk: what was he to do with artillery and ammunition? I answered: "The ammunition is to be shot on enemy positions during the night, locks and breeches from cannon should be destroyed or buried, and the men mounted on horses and sent west." The German battalion which was to take our position was late, and General Freytag left only one company in place of each regiment, the companies to leave when relieved. These companies finally left with much delay. Thus, the Division left the front on time and made a forced march west. Movement was difficult because rain fell and the roads were mired. Passing the moving columns I rode close to Leoben with Gen. Freytag and stopped near the bridge over the Mur until the last group of soldiers marched across. The next day we arrived in Judenburg where we were joined by Gen. Waechter who warned us that a Soviet tank division was moving from Bruck to Judenburg. Near Judenburg we were joined by Dr. Makarushka and Dr. Arlt who brought a written permission for the Division to march to the rear of British troops. The chief of Staff of the British Division told Dr. Makarushka that they were informed about the 1st Ukrainian Division from above (one may presume that this was the result of Prof. Smal-Stocki's intervention from Prague). Leaving Judenburg we learned that during its approach to Judenburg the Division was surprised by a group of Soviet tanks, and had to disperse in surrounding woods until the tanks passed. The Soviets cut us off from part of our equipment, but we did not lose many men. Within several hours the Division reassembled and started on another road to St. Veit and Spittal, where it reached the British zone as I was informed by General Freytag and Colonel Marx. Another column, about 1,300 men, went through Judenburg and found itself in the American Zone because that day the area was divided into a British and American Zone. That group was directed to Tamsweg, and we went there, too; General Waechter, Dr. Arlt, Dr. Makarushka, Chaplain Levenets, General Freytag, and Lieutenant Tsiolko who were all with me. On the way we stopped in the village of Andrae for the night. When we were to leave for Tamsweg next morning we found General Freytag missing. Dr. Makarushka went looking for him, he found him in the village and was told that he would soon join us. Within a few moments we heard a shot, and when Dr. Makarushka went to look for Gen. Freytag again, he found him dead, the General had committed suicide. General Waechter, however, took his leave from me and said that he would try to cross the mountains to Italy, where he had friends. We learned some time in 1948 that Gen. Waechter had been interned by the British and died of tuberculosis in a camp. By nighttime we reached Tamsweg, and our group of soldiers was there, too. We found shelter in a barn on straw, but the men spent the night in the woods in the open: there was no shelter, not even tents, and nothing to eat. Commander of the artillery regiment Colonel Bayersdorf was with this group, and I offered him to command it. But in the night he abandoned his men and joined some German division. Captain V. Kozak was put in charge of the group. The soldiers now had had nothing to eat for two whole days, and they had eaten their marching (canned) rations during the march. I had to go to the commander of a German corps whom the Americans had appointed regional commander, and requested him for food. He issued two sacks of beans, and for meat – one horse.
We were faced with the problem: what to do next? We decided to go to some higher American command in order to clarify our position since we were neither prisoners nor internees. We were directed through St. Johann-in-Pongau to Bischofshofen, where, on orders of a German liaison officer attached to the American command we were given two rooms in the local hotel. We stayed there for five days. Then Dr. Arlt, with his proficiency in English obtained permission for us to proceed to Salzburg, seat of the American division occupying the area. This command issued a pass to us reading: "Chairman of the UNC General Shandruk and his entourage are free to pass to Aufkirchen, Bavaria." There was obviously no sense in our sitting idle and without any news about the fate of Ukrainians and of the UNA troops. While still passing through Judenburg, Lieut. Fediv, General Krat's liaison officer came to me, and I gave him a note appointing General Krat commander of the Division. I learned from Lt. Fediv that a greater part of the Division was marching to Spittal through St. Veit, and that the reserve regiment was with it.
We left Salzburg in two Volkswagens and reached Bad Toelz without any difficulty. American sentries checked our papers about once in every 5 or 6 kilometers. Leaving Bad Toelz we were stopped by an American guard and directed to the American command post. Major Makarushka and Dr. Arlt went inside, and when they returned they said: they found two American officers in the room who looked the pass over for a long while and then declared that we would be sent to a prisoner-of-war camp. Another officer came in then, and when he found out what was going on he said in a firm tone that there was no reason to detain us when others had let us come through, and ordered the sentry to see us to the edge of town. We went on, but on Dr. Arlt's suggestion we by-passed Munich so as to avoid possible difficulties in such a big city. We spent the night in Memmingen and finally reached Aufkirch. Many leading citizens from West Ukraine were living around Aufkirch, among them Deputy Speaker of the Polish Assembly (Sejm) Vasyl Mudryj, President of the Dairy Association of Lviv, Dr. Andriy Paliy, Dr. Athanas Mylanych, the editor Mykhailo Dobriansky, and others. After a brief visit and meal with Mr. and Mrs. Paliy, we went to a small neighboring village where the Dobrianskys offered me a room; they had three rooms in a farmer's house. Dr. Arlt stopped in another village and was hired by a farmer as laborer. The problem came up of finding civilian clothes for me, and here with the help of Mr. Dobriansky I turned civilian again. The result of my brief stay in Aufkirch in uniform, and of calling Mr. Mudryj "marshal" (the title of speaker of the Polish parliament) was that Germans reported to the American authorities that "Marshal Modell" (alleged similarity Mudryj - Modell) was staying in their house, and soon American MPs came to Mr. Mudryj and arrested him. He was released after an explanation, but he missed some things when he got back home.
After a few days' rest I felt a subconscious urge to leave Aufkirch immediately. Mr. Mylanych helped me get a pass from the American command in Kaufbeuren to go to Weimar where, I learned. President Livytsky, some members of the UNC and UNA, were staying. There were also representatives of new emigres (from the time of World War II) headed by attorney V. Dolenko, and Professors V. Dubrovsky and M. Vetukhiv. So I decided to go there and report to President Livytsky and Ukrainian leaders on my activities.
That day when I was getting my pass for the trip to Weimar, I met the same man who denounced me to the Gestapo in 1940, on the street by accident. He looked extremely pleased at the encounter and insisted on my accompanying him to his hotel. In spite of my reluctance due to past experience with him, I went. He was staying in a first class hotel and upon our arrival ordered coffee and wine, and began calling people on the phone. He spoke Russian, to a woman it seemed, and used mysterious code words. This alerted me, I left right away and went to Aufkirch, but spent the night in a different village with Colonel Rybachuk, who lived there. When I thought about the encounter that evening, I decided to leave for Weimar immediately, and I left with Mr. Mylanych at dawn.
Later I learned from the Dobrianskys what happened during my absence. Around 9:00 A. M. of the same day I left for Weimar two cars drew up in front of the house, one with Americans and the other with Russians. They entered the house, posted a sentry in front, and began questioning Mrs. Dobriansky about me. She told them that I had left, she did not know where I had gone, and she was not obliged to ask me. Then they all went to my room, and found my military cap. The Russian officer picked it up and said: "The cap is of German pattern and this proves that he collaborated with the Germans." At this, Mrs. Dobriansky pointed out that the cap might be German, but there was a Ukrainian trident on it. The Soviet officer looked and said: "A genuine Petlurist bandit." He took my cap and all my papers that I had left before leaving. The following event took place that same afternoon, as reported by our Catholic priest, Fr. K.: "I was walking on the sidewalk in Kaufbeuren and an American jeep drove right into me. I thought that this was accidental and jumped away, but the jeep pressed me against a wall, two American and two Soviet officers jumped out, grabbed my hands, put me in the jeep and took me to the Soviet liaison command. They started beating me up and shouted 'you are Shandruk.' I showed them my clerical credentials, and said that I was not Shandruk, but a priest. They hit me some more and said: 'You are lying, you are Shandruk, and Shandruk can turn into a priest if he wants to.' Then they went out to eat. After dinner they beat me again, and one of the officers picked the military cap from the table, tried to put it on me and said: 'Here's your cap.' But suddenly there was consternation: the cap would not fit my head at all. They looked at each other in surprise, and then one of them said: 'Then you are really not Shandruk.' They let me go with apologies, but as a result of the beating I had to spend several days in bed."
After my arrival in Weimar I delivered a detailed report to President Livytsky, members of his Government, and other prominent citizens invited to hear my report. There, I also ordered the Army Quartermaster to draw a report on money received for the UNC, to get an auditing committee to check the figures, and to transfer the balance on hand to the UNR Government.24 I stayed in Weimar two weeks, and returned to Aufkirch. In my travels I used a Volkswagen, for which I had a permit from the American military authorities. During the two weeks, accompanied by Prime Minister of our Government, Dr. Kost Pankivsky and Dr. Stepan Vytvytsky, I visited several American and British high command posts where we delivered a memorandum on the UNA, and particularly the 1st Ukrainian Division. The memorandum explained the purpose of forming the Division, and emphasized that the men in the Division were natives of West Ukraine and had never been Soviet citizens. It also explained that the UNC, UNA and 1st Ukrainian Division had not been pro-Nazi either ideologically or politically, but had merely been forced by circumstances to be formed on German territory.25 In the presentations and memoranda of that time we referred to historical examples of the political and military struggle of other nations to gain independence. Our strongest arguments were those of the recent past; as for example: that J. Pilsudski formed his Legion during World War I against the Russians, while J. Dowbor-Musnicki assembled a Polish force on the Allied side; similarly the Czechs and Slovaks were inducted into the Austro-Hungarian Army, but at the same time they formed a Czech Legion from among prisoners of war in Siberia, and Czech and Slovak units fought in France under the brilliant Slovak scientist and soldier General M. Stefanik; during World War II Marshal Petain concluded an armistice (allegedly under threat of force) with the Germans, while General De Gaulle fought on the Allied side. We argued that politics must seek different ways to keep sight of the national interest. As can be seen from our, and especially my own acts, we did everything within our power to draw a line of separation between ourselves and the Germans. It is self-evident that the formation of the 1st Ukrainian Division, organization of the UNC, the UNA, and of the 2nd Ukrainian Division came at a time when there was absolutely no doubt that Germany had lost the war. This means that we were acting with the sole objective of renewing our struggle for independence, or if it came to the worst, not to fall into the hands of the enemy unarmed. Under the then existing circumstances there was hope for a third solution, and I went along the line of taking advantage of it. Moreover, official Nazi Germany was godless, but all Ukrainians taken to Germany against their will, like all Ukrainian people, were deeply religious, and all Ukrainian armed units, as has been stated above, had the official institution of chaplains.
During my stay in Weimar, Colonel Dyachenko, who had a miraculous escape with his officers from death or Soviet imprisonment, visited me and gave me his report. His Division, in spite of all his attempts, was drawn into battle against Soviet troops in Czechoslovakia. During several days of rear-guard battles, the Division held out successfully against overwhelming Soviet tank groups, and inflicted considerable losses on them. But anti-tank ammunition ran out and the Division, unsupported by neighboring German units, which, in spite of the firm and heavy hand of Field Marshal Schoerner became demoralized, was finally surrounded. The Division lost more than 60% of its men, the rest managed to get out of the encirclement, and was taken over by American troops, probably of General Patch's group.
When I returned from Weimar and the Dobrianskys told me how painstakingly the Russians had been looking for me, I decided to go to Italy, to visit the Division which had been interned in Bellaria. I had some news about the Division brought to me from General Krat by Lieutenant-Engineer Yu. Tys-Krokhmaluk. Messrs. Mudry, Paliy, and Makarushka also thought that my continued stay in Aufkirch was dangerous, and that I should move to Munich immediately. They concurred in my plan to visit the Division where my presence could be of some benefit. I went to Munich with Mr. Mylanych who took me to the Ukrainian Relief Committee, of which Prof. O. Korsunsky was Chairman, and Dr. Makovetsky Secretary. Dr. Makovetsky had requisitioning orders for apartments available, and gave me a very comfortable room in a quiet section of Munich, at Waldfriedhof, Rottenbucherstrasse 35. Our leading citizens knew about my precarious financial position, and right after my return from Weimar Dr. Makarushka gave me 10,000 marks for my trip to Italy and for my personal expenses; on his part, Mr. Mudryj gave me another 10,000 marks before my departure to Italy, and Mr. Paliy a like sum. How much that money was worth can be figured out from the fact that we paid between 400 and 650 marks for one can of gasoline on the private market. We were unable to buy gasoline officially, although sometimes the Americans would heed our pleas and give us some gas.
Soon thereafter, travel to Italy was open. I asked Father Levenets to come with me, and applied to Dr. Makovetsky to give me an interpreter. Dr. Makovetsky told me that Mrs. I. Lavrivska spoke perfect English, and advised me to take her. When I asked her husband, he said that he had nothing against it, if she wants to go. Mrs. Lavrivska, after I explained the purpose of the trip, said: "This is something for me." We left Munich on June 26, going through Kufstein to Spittal, the Headquarters of the British Occupation Forces for Northern Italy. After visiting several offices, we were directed to the Staff of the British Corps near Klagenfurt. We were received by a British Lieutenant-Colonel who asked who we were and what we were looking for. Mrs. Lavrivska told him what I asked her to, he looked at us, and said: "Nice company, an actress, a general, and a priest, please wait." (Mrs. Lavrivska is a famous Ukrainian actress). We were kept waiting for a long time, and I voiced the suspicion that we might be arrested. When, after an hour's wait, two huge British military policemen each over 6 feet tall joined us, everything became clear. A Colonel came out and read to us an order directing us to a camp in Agathenhof near St.Veit "as persons roaming in the rear of the Corps." Then he added: "You are looking for your people, there are many Ukrainians in Agathenhof." And the MPs took us to the camp. They were going at great speed, I was driven in my Volkswagen by their driver, and the rest of our group was in their car. Road signs showed that we were going in the direction of Bruck, and we knew that this place was under Soviet occupation. I was ready to jump from the car if it appeared that the talk about the camp was a subterfuge, but the cars turned into a side road to Agathenhof. There was a large number of Ukrainians in the camp, former slave laborers in Austria. Before the Anschluss the camp had been a resort for Austrian state employees. It was located in beautiful mountain surroundings and did not even resemble camps for internees, so well known to us from barbed wires and pillboxes. This was quite different. The commander of the camp, a British Major Rutter, took good care of us, and after an investigation during which Mrs. Lavrivska was quite brilliant, we were released from internment, our Volkswagen was returned to us, and we were given a pass reading: "General Shandruk and company, with Volkswagen No. 58649 are driving by the shortest route to Munich." Unfortunately, we had no gasoline, but the commander gave us one can, and we got another from an officer of our Division who was working for the Americans. His name was probably Doroshenko, in any case, he was a relative of the well-known professor Dmytro Doroshenko.
It should be added that at the beginning of this adventurous trip we stopped at camps managed by the UNRRA, spending one night at a camp in Traunstein where the commander was a Ukrainian priest, Father Fedasiuk. He was a very fine host and gave us food for our trip.
After my return to Munich, I had the opportunity to visit several camps of our imprisoned soldiers, and I brought them some food obtained by our new organization "Ukrainian Sanitary and Charitable Service," under the able management of a very efficient Major, Doctor Thomas Vorobets. Dr. Vorobets also visited the camps on many occasions.
All our soldiers in Germany, and all Ukrainians there were now under the care of Apostolic Administrator, Father N. Voyakovsky, appointed by the Apostolic See. He carried out his duty in complete devotion to the community entrusted to him. I paid Fr. Voyakovsky a visit and requested his aid to clarify the position of our soldiers. Fr. Nikolai Voyakovsky, himself a former officer of the Ukrainian Galician Army (UHA), was most sincerely concerned with the fate of our soldiers, and was doing a great deal for them. In Germany, he personally intervened with the German Cardinal of Bavaria, His Eminence Michael von Faulhaber, and the latter used his high office to present our case to the American and German authorities. Father Voyakovsky also found a way to transmit a letter from me to His Excellency Archbishop Ivan Buchko who was in Rome. In the letter I asked the eminent Prelate to take the soldiers of the 1st Ukrainian Division under his protection. Archbishop Ivan answered my letter very soon, informing me that he had already visited the Division which was the object of special interest of various Soviet agencies. In a special audience (at night) the Archbishop had pleaded with His Holiness Pope Pius XII to intercede for the soldiers of the Division, who are the flower of the Ukrainian nation. I had the unique honor of exchanging letters with the Archbishop for a long time, in matters concerning the Division and other Ukrainian matters. In 1948 I had the honor and pleasure of meeting this most popular Ukrainian Catholic Prelate in person.
I learned from the Archbishop and from General Krat that as a result of the intercession by His Holiness, the soldiers of the Division were reclassified merely as confiners, and Bolshevik agents were prohibited to visit their camps. The soldiers themselves had assumed such a firm attitude toward Communist agents that they lacked the courage to face them. The files of the Division show that only a handful of soldiers succumbed to the temptations of the Bolsheviks and went "back home," but nobody regretted their leaving because they were probably either Communist agents or else people of dubious moral character. From subsequent letters received from Rimini, I found out that life in the camps had become normal: cultural and educational groups had been established, all kinds of shops were set up, a regular and a satirical newspaper were printed, there were theatrical and choral groups which made appearances in various Italian cities. Here we shall not go into details about the soldiers' life in Italy: some monographs on this subject have already been written, but a full account of camp life will have to be written by one comrades-in-arms, although deprived of their due liberty, were nevertheless out of reach of Communist hands.
Some time in August I learned that the American authorities had arrested Dr. Makarushka and had placed him in a camp somewhere north of Frankfort where some Division soldiers were already confined. This was a great shock to me, to all our friends, and particularly to Dr. Makarushka's family: his wife, with two small children to care for was seriously ill, and died soon thereafter. Dr. Makarushka and the entire group of soldiers were released from camp several months later following a number of memoranda presented by us.
Mr. A. Paliy an engineer, was living close to me in Munich. He came to see me very often, and as Chairman of the Civil Administration of the 1st Ukrainian Division, he was much concerned with the fate of our soldiers. He initiated a number of memoranda about the Division, particularly a memorandum addressed to the Chairman of the Ukrainian Relief Committee in Great Britain, Captain Bohdan Panchuk of the Canadian Army. In January 1946 Mr. Paliy and I traveled to Oldenburg which took us in a very roundabout way covering about 1,100 kilometers spending two nights in an unheated baggage-car, to see another Captain of the Canadian Army, Dr. Kapusta, to ask for his aid in alleviating the fate of soldiers of our 1st Division and clarifying their position.
We learned finally early in 1946 that as a result of these steps taken by us, the Division soldiers would be moved to England and given the status of free settlers. Realization of this plan came, of course, much later.
The text and large number of memoranda submitted by us during that period, either directly, or indirectly (through the UCC, Capt. Kapusta, Capt. Panchuk) to the various High Allied Military Commands and representatives of governmental and civic institutions, is evident from the fact that one memorandum was submitted to the USFE in 27 copies, and to the REFE through Capt. Kapusta and Capt. Panchuk on August 11, 1945. All memoranda were signed by me as official Commander of the UNA, and by Mr. A. Paliy as Chairman of the Military Council of the 1st U. D. In addition, every memorandum was accompanied by a letter to the given institution, signed by me with full title and rank. Thus, in spite of possible detrimental consequences, I considered it my duty to appear as the person responsible for the fate of the UNA soldiers. Mr. A. Paliy was guided by the same considerations.
Other groups of soldiers of the UNA, particularly those who were confined to camps in Germany, were released from camps and put under the care of Germany as refugees by decision of the Allied Occupation authorities in 1947. It should be added that a considerable number of soldiers did not stay in camps, but had the status of civilians. Their position became quite difficult because they were not admitted to UNRRA camps, and those who were in UNRRA camps were forced to "go back home" (to the Soviet Union) by camp commandants who permitted Communist agents to roam around the camps freely and pick their victims for repatriation. This gave rise to many incidents: soldiers and civilians often escaped from camps or committed suicide to avoid being turned over to Soviet authorities.
In conclusion of this part of my recollections connected with my work as Chairman of the UNC and Commander of the Ukrainian National Army, I wish to state with a feeling of gratitude that the late President A. Livytsky, the Government, political organizations, and Ukrainian emigre leaders freely gave me credit for my activities which, incidentally, never caused anyone any complications. I am particularly grateful and express my satisfaction with the unselfish support given me by all our soldiers, especially those that were in touch directly with me, as General M. Krat, General O. Vyshnivsky, and Colonel P. Dyachenko. The entire officer corps of the UNA, and particularly of the 1st Ukrainian Division and their men showed exemplary discipline, unquestioned obedience, and stirring examples of confidence in me. I recall with pleasure the propaganda aid contributed to my activities by "instructors of cultural and political information" attached to all UNA units. I appreciate sincerely the aid extended to me in acquainting me with the morale of the Division by Fr. Dr. Ivan Hrynioch, and the spiritual care of Fr. Major M. Levenets. In spite of the passage of a long time since these events took place, I see signs all over and at all times that my dear soldiers and our community duly recognized my decision not to hesitate, and if needed sacrifice my life for the higher cause of the nation. I never hesitated because I knew the cause and purpose of my step. Divine Providence was with me and with my wife, with whom I became reunited in March 1946.
I do not think it is necessary to elaborate on the role of Colonel Dr. Fritz Arlt and General O. Waechter in the matter of the UNC and UNA. I tried to give an objective and complete characteristic of the aid extended by them. I have not detracted from the important part played by Col. Dr. Arlt, and I believe that not only I personally, but the entire Ukrainian community and soldiers will remember and honor this fine man.
I cannot, however, leave without comment a circular letter published in May 1947 by the leadership of the OUN(M) which stated: "The matter of the existence and activities of the UNC under the chairmanship of General Shandruk should not be given any particular importance ..." I never expected such appraisal of my work, but I can state with satisfaction that the rank and file membership of the OUN organization had never made me feel that it shared this opinion. I am happy to state that the OUN(B) and all other organizations recognized and praised the work of the UNC and mine.
I also wish to mention certain characteristic episodes from my post-war activities. I had very many visitors and letters of relatives of soldiers with such inquiries, as: "where is my son (or father, or husband etc.)?" I understood and sympathized with the feelings of these people, but what could I tell them? I had to explain that I was only the Army Commander, and with the 1st Ukrainian Division in particular, I had merely spent several days. Out of over ten thousand men in the Division I met personally only a couple of dozen officers. I had to tell the inquirers that they should understand that the men after whom they were now inquiring went to war, where anything can happen. It is surprising that my several days' visit to the Division created the impression on people who should know better, that I had been in command of the Division. That myth, the origin of which is unknown, circulated among troops of the Division.
Seal. Rome, October 14, 1945. His Excellency, General:
Praised Be Jesus Christ:
Sincere thanks for your valuable letter of July 31, which came into my hands only on October 10, at noon. You must have received my letters in the meantime, and particularly of August 2, in reply to yours of June 20.
We are frequently in touch with the prisoner of war camp of our Ukrainian soldiers in Bellaria near Rimini. Just now, for the past two weeks my secretary, Fr. Dr. Ivan Bilanych has been there and is coming back today or tomorrow, bringing sonly I have as yet been unable to see our fine soldiers, and with him about 30 candidates for theological studies. Per-it is not easy to write why. I must say, however, that the greatest difficulty was the presence of a Soviet Committee in side the camp for some rime which could finally boast of having converted several of our soldiers to return to the Homeland. According to our soldiers, they are not sorry for those who left... The present Commander is Captain Yaskevych. Otherwise life in camp has improved. The attitude of the British Command is favorable. I just received news from Fr. Bilanych that all our men have been issued fine winter equipment: clothes, shoes, and blankets. As regards food there is a change for the better, too. I expect Fr. Bilanych to bring a complete report for you, or he will write it here and send it to you at the first opportunity.
Please accept, dear General, expressions of my profound respect, with the assurance that I ask for blessing in my daily prayers for you and your glorious soldiers, and I beseech God to grant you His favor and His bountiful blessing.
Your devoted brother and servant in Christ Our Lord
† Ivan, Bishop
Hon. Pavlo Shandruk,
Lieut.-General, Ukrainian Army
 About 19,000 DM.
 A booklet "Hanba albo Chwala" (Shame or Glory) by the well-known Polish publicist and former minister Ignacy Mamszewski came out in Jerusalem in 1945. Matuszewski cites arguments of the Ukrainian side, why the Ukrainians were forced to cooperate formally with the Germans against the Bolsheviks: "Don't think that we are cooperating with the Germans for Germany victory. We simply don't want to be in our graves when Britain, America, and Poland are victorious over Hitler. That is why we shall defend ourselves." This indicates that the Ukrainians believed in Allied victory.